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英文演讲稿《我有一个梦想》范文
篇一:《我有一个梦想》英文演讲稿
《I have a dream》
Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963. Source: Martin Luther King, Jr: The Peaceful Warrior, Pocket Books, NY 1968
正文如下:
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we’
ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds". But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit p
ath of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherho
od. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise t
o the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only". We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfie
d until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have
come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to si
t down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day
right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning.
My country, ’
tis of thee,
Sweet land of liberty,
Of thee I sing:
Land where my fathers died,
Land of the pilgrims’ pride,
From every mountainside
Let freedom ring.
And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York!
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi!
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at
last!”
篇二:我有一个梦想演讲稿(中英文)
马丁·路德·金《I have a dream》演讲全文
I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. 今天,我高兴地同大家一起,参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的集会。
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
100年前,一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。
This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.这项重要法令的颁布,对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴, It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔,恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not
free. 然而,100年后,黑人依然没有获得自由。One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains
of
discrimination.100年后,黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。
One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.
100年后,黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。 One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. 100年后,黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣,依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。
And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
所以,我们今天来到这里,要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. 从某种意义上说,我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。 When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence,我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。
This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."
这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.然而,今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。
Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务,而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.但是,我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。
We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. 我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。
And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the
security of justice.因此,我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.
我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国:现在正是万分紧急的时刻。
This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.
现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。
Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.现在是实现民主诺言的时候。
Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷,踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。
Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙,踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。
Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性,对于国家将会是致命的。 This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate
discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来,黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。
Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. 1963年不是一个结束,而是一个开端。
And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as
usual.如果国家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。
And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. 在黑人得到公民权之前,美国既不会安宁,也不会平静。
The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石,直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice:但是,对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们,有一些话我必须要说。
In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.在我们争取合法地位的过程中,切不要错误行事导致犯罪。
篇三:我有一个梦想英语演讲稿
文章解说:我有一个梦想(i have a dream) 1963年8月23日,马丁·路德·金组织了美国历史上影响深远的“自由进军”运动。他率领一支庞大的游行队伍向首都华盛顿进军,为全美国的黑人争取人权。他在林肯纪念堂前向25万人发表了着名的演说《我有一个梦想》,为反对种族歧视、争取平等发出呼号。马丁·路德·金1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。1968年4月4日他在田纳西州被暗杀。
i have a dream by martin luther king, jr.
i am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history
as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.but one hundred years later, the negro still is not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is still languished in the corners of american
society and finds himself an exile in his own land. and so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.